Tesla and his inner-circle of scientist, Langevin and his theories of pushing evolution as well as his conspiracies behind the curtain, Eckart who was on the road to becoming just as great a monster as Langevin and had great interest in Taschemonsters, Zedong who had become a powerful force of government in China as the chairman of Team Rocket, and the Kishin Corp, who’s use of the reflex system allowed for incredible agile and powerful machines with which to try and expand their influence.
However, the greatest factor of change to the face of the world would be one particular German soldier, who, during World War I, saw active service in France and Belgium as a messenger for the regimental headquarters of the 16th Bavarian Reserve Regiment, (also called ‘Regiment List’ after its first commander) which exposed him to enemy fire, be it bullets, Electro-Cannons, or stolen Taschemonsters.
His name was Adolf Hitler.
While he was never considered much of a professional soldier, (his behavior was considered somewhat sloppy) his regular duties required taking dispatches to and from fighting areas and he was decorated twice for his performance of these duties. First, he was recipient of the German Iron Cross, Second Class in December 1914 and the Iron Cross, First Class in August 1918, an honor rarely given to a Gefreiter, (Private First Class). However, because of the perception of a lack of leadership skills on the part of some of the regimental staff, as well as Hitler’s unwillingness to leave regimental headquarters, (which would have been likely in event of promotion) he was never promoted to Unteroffizier, (NCO). His duty station at regimental headquarters, while often dangerous, gave Hitler time to pursue his artwork. During October 1916 in northern France, Hitler was wounded in the leg, but returned to the front in March 1917. He received the Wound Badge later that year, as his injury was the direct result of hostile fire.
On October 15, 1918, shortly before the end of the war, Hitler was admitted to a field hospital, temporarily blinded by a poison gas attack. While there was indication that the blindness may have been the result of hysteria, Hitler later said it was during this experience that he became convinced the purpose of his life was to, “Save Germany”.
Hitler had long admired Germany, and during the war he had become a passionate German patriot, (although he himself wasn’t a German citizen until 1932). He was shocked by Germany’s surrender in November 1918 even while the German army still held enemy territory. Like many other German nationalists, Hitler believed in the ‘Dolchsto legende’, (Dagger-stab legend) which claimed that the army, ‘undefeated’ in the field had been stabbed in the back by civilian leaders and Marxists back on the home front. These politicians were later dubbed the “November Criminals”.
The Treaty of Versailles deprived Germany of various territories, demilitarized the Rhineland, surrender of the German Tacshemonsters and related equipment, and imposed other economically damaging sanctions upon the Germanic people.
The worst part, in Hitler’s mind, was that the treaty also declared Germany the culprit for all the horrors of the Great War, as a basis for later imposing not yet specified reparations on Germany. He, and many Germans, perceived the treaty and especially the paragraph on the German guilt as a humiliation, not least as it was damaging in the extreme to their pride. For example, there was nearly a full demilitarization of the armed forces, allowing Germany only six battleships, no submarines, no air force, an army of one-hundred thousand without conscription and no armored vehicles.
Still, because of this, the treaty was an important factor in both the social and political conditions encountered by Hitler and his National Socialist Party as they sought power. Hitler and his party used the signing of the treaty by the ‘November Criminals’ as a reason to build up Germany so that it could never happen again. He also used the ‘November Criminals’ as scapegoats, although at the Paris Peace Conference, these politicians had very little choice in the matter.
After the First World War, Hitler remained in the army and returned to Munich, where he, (in contrast to his later declarations) participated in the funeral march for the murdered Bavarian prime minister Kurt Eisner. After the suppression of the Munich Soviet Republic, Hitler took part in ‘national thinking’ courses organized by the Education and Propaganda Department. A key purpose of this group was to create a scapegoat for the outbreak of the war and Germany’s defeat. The scapegoats were found and listed openly to be in ‘international Jewry’, communists, and politicians across the party spectrum, especially the parties of the Weimar Coalition, who were deemed as the thrice-cursed November Criminals.
On July 1919, Hitler was appointed a Verbindungsmann, (police spy) of an Aufklärungskommando, (Intelligence Commando) of the Reichswehr, for the purpose of influencing other soldiers toward similar ideas and was assigned to infiltrate a small party, the German Workers’ Party, (DAP) which was thought of to be a possibly socialist party. During his inspection of the party, Hitler was impressed with Drexler’s anti-Semitic, nationalist, anti-capitalist and anti-Marxist ideas, which favored a strong active government, a ‘non-Jewish’ version of socialism and mutual solidarity of all members of society.
Here Hitler also met Dr. Dietrich Eckart, one of the early founders of the party, a protégé of Langevin, and member of the occult Thule Society. Eckart became Hitler’s mentor, exchanging ideas with him, teaching him how to dress and speak, and introducing him to a wide range of people. Hitler would later go by Eckart’s teachings as gospel truth, and it would be this relationship which would later spark the flames of war and human atrocity.
Finally, in March 1920 Hitler was discharged from the army, and with his former superiors’ continued encouragement, began participating full time in the German Workers’ Party’s activities. By early 1921, Adolf Hitler was becoming highly effective at speaking in front of even larger crowds. In February, Hitler spoke before a crowd of nearly six thousand in Munich. To publicize the meeting, he sent out two truckloads of Party supporters to drive around with swastikas, cause a commotion and throw out leaflets, their first use of this tactic. Hitler gained notoriety outside of the Party for his rowdy, polemic speeches against the Treaty of Versailles, rival politicians, (including monarchists, nationalists, and other non-internationalist socialists) and especially against Marxists and those of the Hebrew faith.
The German Workers’ Party would gain a base and this become centered in Munich, which, after the signing of the Versailles Treaty, had become a hotbed of German nationalists, including Army officers determined to crush Marxism and undermine or even overthrow the young German democracy centered in Berlin. Gradually they noticed Adolf Hitler and his growing movement as a vehicle to hitch themselves to.
During the summer of 1921, Hitler traveled to Berlin to visit nationalist groups, and in his absence, there was an unexpected revolt among the DAP leadership in Munich. The Party was run by an executive committee whose original members considered Hitler to be overbearing and even dictatorial, despite what Dr. Eckart saw in the man. To weaken Hitler’s position they formed an alliance with a group of socialists from Augsburg. Hitler rushed back to Munich and countered them by tendering his resignation from the Party on July 11, 1921. When they realized the loss of Hitler would effectively mean the end of the Party, he seized the moment and announced he would return on the condition that he was made chairman and given dictatorial powers. Infuriated committee members (including founder Anton Drexler) held out at first. Meanwhile an anonymous pamphlet appeared entitled, ‘Adolf Hitler: Is he a traitor?’. The article attacked Hitler’s lust for power and criticized the violence-prone men around him. Hitler responded to its publication in a Munich newspaper by suing for libel and later won a small settlement.
The executive committee of the DAP eventually backed down and Hitler’s demands were put to a vote of party members. Hitler received a nearly unanimous vote with five-hundred and forty-three for him, and only one against. At the next gathering on July 29, 1921, Adolf Hitler was introduced as Führer, (Leader) of the National Socialist Party, marking the first time this title was publicly used. Hitler changed the name of the party to the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, the National Socialist German Workers Party, (or NSDAP).
During Hitler’s first speech as Führer, which became known as the ‘Beer Hall Oratory’, the man verbally attacked Jews, social democrats, liberals, reactionary monarchists, capitalists, homosexuals and communists. This hatred he spread like poison, attracted like-minds. Early followers included Rudolf Hess, the former air force pilot Hermann Göring, and the flamboyant army captain Ernst Röhm, who became head of the Nazis’ paramilitary organization, the SA, which protected meetings and attacked political opponents. Hitler also attracted the attention of local business interests, and so was accepted into influential circles of Munich society and became associated with wartime General Erich Ludendorff during this time.
Encouraged by this early support, Hitler decided to use Ludendorff as a front in an attempt to seize power later known as the Beer Hall Putsch. The Nazi Party had copied the Italian Fascists in appearance and also had adopted some programmatical points. So it was that in the turbulent year of 1923, Hitler wanted to emulate Mussolini’s ‘March on Rome’ by staging his own ‘Campaign in Berlin’. Hitler and Ludendorff obtained the clandestine support of Gustav von Kahr, Bavaria’s de facto ruler along with leading figures in the Reichswehr and the police. As political posters printed beforehand showed, Hitler, Ludendorff, and the heads of the Bavarian police and military planned on forming a new government.
However on November 8, 1923 Kahr and the military withdrew their support during a meeting in the Bürgerbräukeller, a large beer hall outside of Munich. A surprised Hitler had them arrested and proceeded with the coup. Unknown to him, Kahr and the other detainees had been released on Ludendorff’s orders after he obtained their word not to interfere. That night they prepared resistance measures against the coup and in the morning, when Hitler and his followers marched from the beer hall to the Bavarian War Ministry to overthrow the Bavarian government as a start to their Campaign on Berlin, the army quickly dispersed them. Hitler and Ludendorff were wounded, and a few other Nazis were killed.
Still, while Ludendorff was arrested, Hitler managed to flee longer, taking time to hide at home of friends, where he contemplated suicide. He was soon found and arrested for high treason and appointed Alfred Rosenberg as temporary leader of the party.
However, in being arrested, Hitler found himself in an environment somewhat receptive to his beliefs. During Hitler’s trial, sympathetic magistrates allowed Hitler to turn his debacle into a propaganda stunt. He was given almost unlimited amounts of time to present his arguments to the court, and his popularity soared when he voiced basic nationalistic sentiments shared by some of the public. On April 1, 1924 Hitler was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment at Landsberg prison for the crime of conspiracy to commit treason. Hitler received favored treatment from the guards and received a rather large amount of fan mail from admirers. As he was considered relatively harmless, Hitler was released on December 20 1924.
While at Landsberg, Hitler dictated his political book, “Mein Kampf”, (My Struggle) to his deputy Rudolf Hess. The book, dedicated to Thule Society member Dr. Dietrich Eckart, was both an autobiography and an exposition of his political ideology. It was published in two volumes in 1925 and 1926 respectively, selling about two-hundred and forty-thousand copies between 1925 and 1934 alone. By the end of the next great war, ten million copies of this book would have been sold or distributed, (every newly-wed couple, as well as front soldiers, received free copies).
At the time of Hitler's release, the political situation in Germany had calmed down, and the economy had improved, which hampered Hitler's opportunities for agitation. Instead, he began a long effort to rebuild the dwindling party.
Though the Hitler Putsch had given Hitler some national prominence, his party’s mainstay was still Munich. To spread the party to the north, Hitler also assimilated independent groups, such as the Nuremberg-based Wistrich, led by Julius Streicher, who became Gauleiter of Franconia.
As Hitler was still banned from public speeches, he appointed Gregor Strasser, who in 1924 had been elected to the Reichstag, as Reichsorganisationsleiter. (Realm Organization Leader) authorizing him to organise the party in northern Germany. Gregor, joined by his younger brother Otto and Joseph Goebbels, steered an increasingly independent course, emphasizing the socialist element in the party’s programme.
The NDAP was not unopposed at this time though, as there were factions within the party that did not want to take any more from Hitler, whom they considered past his use. The Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Gauleiter Nord-West, (Working Group of Gau Leaders Northwest) became an internal opposition, threatening Hitler’s authority. Unfortunately, this faction was defeated at the Bamberg Conference, (1926) during which Goebbels joined Hitler.
After this encounter, Hitler centralized the party even more and asserted the Führerprinzip, (Leader Principle) as the basic principle of party organization. Leaders were not elected by their group but were rather appointed by their superior and were answerable to them while demanding unquestioning obedience from their inferiors. Consistent with Hitler’s disdain for democracy, all power and authority devolved from the top down.
A key element of Hitler’s appeal was his ability to convey a sense of offended national pride caused by the Treaty of Versailles imposed on the defeated German Empire by the Western Allies. Germany had lost economically important territory in Europe along with its colonies and in admitting to sole responsibility for the war, had agreed to pay a huge reparations bill; totaling thirty-two billion Marks! Most Germans bitterly resented these terms, but early Nazi attempts to gain support by blaming these humiliations on ‘international Jewry’ were not particularly successful with the electorate. The party learned quickly and soon a more subtle propaganda emerged, combining anti-Semitism with an attack on the failures of the ‘Weimar system’ and the parties supporting it.
Having failed in overthrowing the Republic by a coup, Hitler now pursued the ‘strategy of legality’. This meant formally adhering to the rules of the Weimar Republic until he had legally gained power and then transforming liberal democracy into a Nazi dictatorship. Some party members, especially in the paramilitary SA, opposed this strategy and Ernst Röhm ridiculed Hitler as ‘Adolphe Legalité’.
The political turning point for Hitler came when the Great Depression hit Germany in 1930. The Weimar Republic had never been firmly rooted and was openly opposed by right-wing conservatives, (including monarchists) Communists, and the Nazis. As the parties loyal to the democratic, parliamentary republic found themselves unable to agree on counter-measures, their Grand Coalition broke up and was replaced by a minority cabinet. The new Chancellor, Heinrich Brüning of the Roman Catholic Centre Party, lacking a majority in parliament, had to implement his measures through the President’s emergency decrees. Tolerated by the majority of parties, the exception soon became the rule and paved the way for authoritarian forms of government.
The Reichstag’s initial opposition to Brüning’s measures led to premature elections in September 1930. The republican parties lost their majority and their ability to resume the Grand Coalition, while the Nazis suddenly rose from relative obscurity to win 18.3% of the vote along with one-hundred and seven seats in the Reichstag, becoming the second largest party in Germany.
Brüning’s measure of budget consolidation and financial austerity brought little economic improvement and was extremely unpopular. Under these circumstances, Hitler appealed to the bulk of German farmers, war veterans, and the middle-class who had been hard-hit by both the inflation of the 1920’s and the unemployment of the Depression. Hitler received little response from the urban working classes and traditionally Catholic regions.
In 1932, Hitler intended to run against the aging President Paul von Hindenburg in the scheduled presidential elections. Though Hitler had left Austria in 1913, he still had not acquired German citizenship and hence could not run for public office. In February however, the state government of Brunswick, in which the Nazi Party participated, appointed Hitler to some minor administrative post and also gave him citizenship. The new German citizen ran against Hindenburg, who was supported by a broad range of reactionary nationalist, monarchist, Catholic, Republican and even social democratic parties, and against the Communist presidential candidate. His campaign was called, ‘Hitler über Deutschland’, (Hitler over Germany). The name had a double meaning. Besides an obvious reference to Hitler’s dictatorial intentions, it also referred to the fact that Hitler was campaigning by airplane! This was a brand new political tactic that allowed Hitler to speak in two cities in one day, which was practically unheard of at the time. Hitler came in second on both rounds, attaining more than 35% of the vote during the second one in April. Although he lost to Hindenburg, the election established Hitler as a realistic and fresh alternative in German politics.
President Hindenburg, influenced by the Camarilla, became increasingly estranged from Brüning and pushed his Chancellor to move the government in a decidedly authoritarian and right-wing direction. This culminated in May 1932 with the resignation of the Brüning cabinet. Hindenburg then appointed the nobleman Franz von Papen as chancellor, heading a ‘cabinet of barons’. Papen was bent on authoritarian rule and since in the Reichstag, only the conservative DNVP supported his administration, he immediately called for new elections in July. In these elections, the Nazis would achieve their biggest success yet, and win two-hundred and thirty seats.
The Nazis had become the largest party in the Reichstag without which no stable government could be formed. Papen tried to convince Hitler to become Vice-Chancellor and enter a new government with a parliamentary basis. Hitler, however, rejected this offer and put further pressure on Papen by entertaining parallel negotiations with the Centre Party, Papen’s former party, which was bent on bringing down the renegade Papen. In both negotiations Hitler demanded that he, as leader of the strongest party, must be Chancellor, but President Hindenburg consistently refused to appoint the ‘Bohemian private to the Chancellorship, telling Hitler that, “How will I answer to God if I do?”
To which Hitler replied, “How will you answer to Germany, if you don’t?”
After a vote of no-confidence in the Papen government, supported by 84% of the deputies, the new Reichstag was dissolved and new elections were called in November. This time, the Nazis lost some votes but still remained the largest party in the Reichstag.
After Papen failed to secure a majority he proposed to dissolve the parliament again, along with an indefinite postponement of elections. Hindenburg at first accepted this, but after General Kurt von Schleicher and the military withdrew their support, Hindenburg instead dismissed Papen and appointed Schleicher, who promised he could secure a majority government by negotiations with the Social Democrats, the trade unions, and dissidents from the Nazi party under Gregor Strasser. In January 1933 however, Schleicher had to admit failure in these efforts and asked Hindenburg for emergency powers along with the same postponement of elections that he had opposed earlier, to which the President reacted by dismissing Schleicher.
Meanwhile Papen, resentful because of his dismissal, tried to get his revenge on Schleicher by working toward the General’s downfall, through forming an intrigue with the camarilla and Alfred Hugenberg, media mogul and chairman of the DNVP. Also involved were Hjalmar Schacht, Fritz Thyssen, and other leading German businessmen. They financially supported the Nazi Party, which had been brought to the brink of bankruptcy by the cost of heavy campaigning. The businessmen also wrote letters to Hindenburg, urging him to appoint Hitler as leader of a government, saying that he was, “independent from parliamentary parties” and could, “enrapture millions of people”.
Finally, the President reluctantly agreed to appoint Hitler Chancellor of a coalition government formed by the NSDAP and DNVP. Hitler and two other Nazi minister, (Frick and Göring) were to be contained by a framework of conservative cabinet ministers, most notably by Papen as Vice-Chancellor and by Hugenberg as Minister of Economics. Papen wanted to use Hitler as a figure-head, but the Nazis had gained key positions, most notably the Ministry of the Interior. On the morning of January 30, 1933, in Hindenburg’s office, Adolf Hitler was sworn in as Chancellor of Germany.
Having become Chancellor, Hitler foiled all attempts to gain a majority in parliament and on that basis, convinced President Hindenburg to dissolve the Reichstag again. Elections were scheduled for early March, but on February 27, 1933, the Reichstag building was set on fire. Since a Dutch independent communist was found in the building, the fire was blamed on a Communist plot to which the government reacted with the Reichstag Fire Decree of February 28, which suspended basic rights, including habeas corpus. Under the provisions of this decree, the Communist Party and other groups were suppressed, and Communist functionaries and deputies were arrested, put to flight, or murdered.
Campaigning continued, with the Nazis making use of paramilitary violence, anti-Communist hysteria, and the government’s resources for propaganda. On election day, March 6, the NSDAP increased its result to 43.9% of the vote, remaining the largest party, but its victory was marred by its failure to secure an absolute majority. Hitler had to maintain his coalition with the DNVP, as the coalition had a slim majority.
On March 21st, fifteen days later, the new Reichstag was constituted itself with an impressive opening ceremony held at Potsdam’s garrison church. This, ‘Day of Potsdam’, was staged to demonstrate reconciliation and union between the revolutionary Nazi movement and ‘Old Prussia’ with its elites and virtues. Hitler himself appeared, not in Nazi uniform, but in a tail coat, and humbly greeted the aged President Hindenburg.
Because of the Nazis’ failure to obtain a majority on their own, Hitler’s government confronted the newly elected Reichstag with the Enabling Act that would have vested the cabinet with legislative powers for a period of four years. Though such a bill was not unprecedented, this act was different since it allowed for deviations from the constitution. As the bill required a two-thirds majority in order to pass, the government needed the support of other parties. The position of the Catholic Centre Party, at that point was the third largest party in the Reichstag, turned out to be decisive: under the leadership of Ludwig Kaas, the party decided to vote for the Enabling Act. It did so in return for the government’s oral guarantees regarding the Church’s liberty, the concordats signed by German states and the continued existence of the Centre Party itself.
Two days later on March 23rd, the Reichstag assembled in a replacement building under extremely turbulent circumstances. Some SA men served as guards within while large groups outside the building shouted slogans and threats toward the arriving deputies. Kaas announced that the Centre would support the bill amid ‘concerns put aside’, while Social Democrat Otto Wels denounced the Act in his speech. At the end of the day, all parties except the Social Democrats voted in favor of the bill. The Enabling Act would be dutifully renewed every four years, even through World War II.
With this combination of legislative and executive power, Hitler’s government further suppressed the remaining political opposition. The KPD and the SPD were banned, while all other political parties dissolved themselves. Labor unions were merged with employers’ federations into an organization under Nazi control and the autonomy of state governments was abolished.
Hitler also used the SA paramilitary to push Hugenberg into resigning and proceeded to politically isolate Vice Chancellor Papen. As the SA’s demands for political and military power caused much anxiety among the populace in general, and especially among the military, Hitler used allegations of a plot by the SA leader Ernst Röhm to purge the paramilitary force’s leadership during the Night of the Long Knives. Opponents unconnected with the SA were also murdered, notably Gregor Strasser and former Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher.
Soon after, president Paul von Hindenburg died on August 2, 1934. Rather than holding new presidential elections, Hitler’s cabinet passed a law proclaiming the presidency dormant and transferred the role and powers of the head of state to Hitler as Führer und Reichskanzler, (Leader and Chancellor). Therebym Hitler also became supreme commander of the military, which swore their military oath. Not to the state or the constitution, but to Hitler personally! In a mid-August, despite these acts, found the approval of 90% of the electorate. Combining the highest offices in state, military, and party in his hand, Hitler had attained supreme rule that could no longer be legally challenged.
Having secured supreme political power, Hitler went on to gain their support by persuading most Germans he was their savior from the Depression, the Communists, the Versailles Treaty, and the Jews along with other ‘undesirable’ minorities. The masses flocked to him.
But, even with all his power, Hitler wanted more. And he knew there was one person of his party still alive that was of like-minds with him.
Dr. Dietrich Eckart.
Both held belief in the Thule Theory, which claimed the origins of the Aryan race. ‘Thule’ was a land located by Greco-Roman geographers in the furthest north. The society was named after ‘Ultima Thule’, the ‘Most Distance North’ mentioned by the Roman poet Virgil in his epic poem, “Aeneid” which was the far northern segment of Thule and is generally understood to mean Scandinavia. Said by Nazi mystics to be the capital of ancient Hyperborea, they placed Ultima Thule in the extreme north near Greenland or Iceland. The Thule Society counted among its goals the desire to prove that the Aryan race came from a lost continent, perhaps Atlantis.
Self-realization and the supreme position of the human person were essential to the Thulists. To enhance the Aryan race, Dr. Eckart approached Hitler with an art of weaponry, while lost to Germany, had been continued and treated as an artform by the rest of the world.
Taschemonsters.
Hitler’s interest in reviving the idea of little monsters had waned over the years, but Eckart brought forth the concept of the Taschemonsters being more than pets or as simple weapons. The idea that their powers could be brought forth into the Aryan race, proving that Germany was not only the one true race meant to master over all others, but to have the physical power with which to accomplish it!
September 20, 1934, Hitler approved a Dr. Eckart’s project, which would become known as the “Übermeich” and the “Taschemädchen”, (OverMen and PokéGirls). The Project would become operational on January 3, 1935.
The idea was to give both German men and women the powers of the small Taschemonsters, but specifically to keep the men as human as possible. It wouldn’t have been so bad in Hitler’s mind if the women changed slightly to fit their role, as women were the fairer gender and generally to be owned by men. Given labs, staff, and resources, Eckart was set forth to begin work on making these two ideals into reality.
Dr. Eckart had enough resources to work with. Failure was expected in the beginning, and numerous Jewish and Polish were volunteered to become a part of a programme that would help enhance their betters.
The women, Taschemädchen were easy enough to create. As there were no restrictions to getting them to look as human as possible, Eckart was able to use notes and experiments already tested and approved by his mentor Langevin to turn these women into something far more powerful and greater than they had been, even if the majority of them were more animalistic in nature.
In comparison, the Übermeich project was delayed by constant snags and failures. They were working under the restriction placed by the Führer to keep the men as human as possibly, but still imbue them with powers beyond mortal men. Since such a concept was not Langevin’s objective, Eckart had nothing to depend on for guidance, and so his work on Übermeich was completely done by the scientific method.
During the process, Dr. Eckart discovered that the process often gave the experiments what he dubbed, ‘Blud-Fluch’, (Blood Curse). They would gain disabling traits such as uncontrolled rage, loss of humanity in their physical appearance, loss of intelligence and other results that would hinder them.
Still, amongst these failures, there were also successes. People that still maintained their human appearances, but greater powers. Enhanced constitution, strength, stamina, intelligence, enhanced senses including empathy, and in some cases, even affinity to an element. These were what Eckart had been trying to isolate and listed them as Blut- Geschenk, (Blood Gifts).
And so, while Hitler held reign over Germany, both he and Eckart prepared a new operation that would take the world by storm...
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